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• 1 media/Thumb 112.png 2024-11-07T15:28:49-05:00 "The Necessity of a Haitian Newspaper in Paris" 34 Benito Sylvain explains the logic and the goals behind La Fraternité. plain 2024-12-12T15:34:56-05:00 08-27-1890
  Translation:
  
  Despite the diversity of Parisian newspapers that permit all causes and all interests to have defenders, most of the civilized countries that have constant relations with France have managed to make themselves represented directly in this capital of contemporary intelligence, which has inherited the ancient renown of Athens and Rome.
  
  England, the United States, Portugal, Greece, Romania all have newspapers established in Paris. Our brothers from Brazil have theirs, already ten years old; the French colonies, among the organs of publicity dedicated to their cause, they proudly claim the Liberté Coloniale which, under wise and enlightened leadership, carries so proudly the flag of the Black race.
  
  Alone, or nearly alone, the Republic of Haiti, which has an annual commerce with France of over 80 million, which borrowed its language, its customs and its laws from France, which maintains a relatively numerous colony in Paris, alone, the Republic of Haiti does not yet have its newspaper.
  
  This represents such a manifest anomaly that it has already attracted the attention of many of our compatriots. There is cause to hope that an agreement will unite their efforts in a common cause. When a noble and fertile idea alights simultaneously on a large number of minds, it is an infallible sign that it has come to maturity.
  
  For the past year, the question noire has been on the agenda; it has become all the more pressing with the recent events in Porto-Novo and Dahomey. The current colonial policy unfortunately seems to want to go against the wish expressed by Victor Hugo, at one of the last banquets of the former Anti-slavery Society, for the peaceful civilizing of the mysterious Continent. The irreconcilable enemies of our race will not miss the opportunity to stir public opinion up against us in Europe, and, in order to do so, they will make use of any slander. It is thus that unfortunate recent events in Guadeloupe and Martinique have furnished for certain newspapers in Paris the pretext for a new an unjust attack against the Black populations of these colonies.
  
  The effect of the beautiful movement that was launched in favour of the nègres by the appeal of Mgr Lavigerie is nearly destroyed by the odious and incessant campaign that is being carried out against us by a few irreducible minds, aristocrats of the skin, who, in their brains stuffed with prejudices, still have ideas worthy of the Middle Ages and of the feudal era. There has been a sort of reaction against the ideas of philanthropy and fraternity, a reaction that was affected by the international relations of the powers of Europe. And because we all stand united, the civilized world does not take the trouble to establish the distinctions: they group all Black people together in one sentiment of reprobation.

  Our Principles 

  The very title of the journal, La Fraternité, indicates our intentions and the principles that will guide us.
  
  When liberty began to spread its benefits throughout the world, those who longed for the past pronounced against it a terrible anathema: they called it egotism. No doubt, the Revolution, as if to cure evil, inscribed on its flag: Liberté, Fraternité. But when we look at the facts and not the doctrine, it is incontestable that it was liberty that preoccupied the Assembly of 1789, and that fraternity was for them only an aspiration and a theory.
  
  The rights, of which the formula is Egalité, by breaking the classes, suppressed devotion or made it a supererogatory virtue. The day will come when the doctrine of rights, pushed to its extreme consequence, will express itself in this barbarous formula: "every man for himself!"
  
  Fraternity has thus, to this point, been a vain word. Yet, society is not made to stand on a simple principle; since liberty alone dissolves. Certainly, human law can never go as far as divine law, but it should always try to do so as much as possible. And if human society cannot impose devotion, for the want of charity "which liberty makes beautiful," neither can it avoid it altogether.
  
  No doubt, we demand our rights in the name of absolute justice; but can we absorb ourselves in our rights when humanity is suffering all around us? Man needs humanity; having at the same time a mind and a heart, justice alone is not enough for him: he also needs love and charity. And if, as is our strong hope, the Black race, too long slandered and despised, will rise up and take the torch of civilization, it will not be in order to violate moral law, it will not be to seek to oppress the fallen or less advanced races.

  Our goals

  Considering the deplorable situation that our unfortunate fumblings and our errors have put us in, and giving a concrete form to our sincere aspirations toward progress, we hope to prove to the civilized world that we only ask to take the long steps that we still need to take; we wish to effectively affirm the active and profound faith that we have in the destiny of our dear Haiti, a destiny that is tied—we must not forget—to the destiny of the Black race.
  
  To form, at the heart of the new generation, a core of young people imbued with the sacred principles of justice and integrity, of which enlightened patriotism will act as a point of reference around which Haitian society can reform itself; to safeguard and defend the dignity of our country against all; this, in short, is the goal that we are setting for ourselves.
  
  We will force ourselves, to that end, to make Haiti better known, to modify the unfortunate opinion that is held about us, not only in Europe, but especially in America. Since it is an eminently regrettable fact that the states of Central America and Northern America have less established relations with South America than with Europe. We hate to admit it, but we in Haiti are less informed than those in Paris about events in Guatemala and the Republic of Argentina. The great and beautiful Revolution, which made Brazil into a republic without bloodshed, is only know becoming known among most of our compatriots. And we do not believe we will advance much by affirming that our friends in South America profess the same ignorance toward us.
  
  It seems to us that the moment has come for these sister Republics to come together with ours, and also with the patriarchal land of Canada which, like us, boasts of its French connection. Knowing one another better, we will like one another better, and maybe we will be able to find in a fruitful agreement the counterweight necessary to resist certain invasive ambitions which, under the pretext of taking the young-America from the outdated influence of Europe, is moving toward melting the diverse nationalities into a single gigantic confederation.
  
  From a more particular point of view, our work will establish a fruitful source of competition for these young Haitian writers—our indispensable collaborators—who will thus be able to produce works capable of meeting great publicity.
  
  La Fraternité will furthermore be a school of independence, where the citizens of Haiti will learn to envision without weakness the duties and the responsibilities of the free press. It seems, in effect, that we are disinclined, in our country, to restraining the role of journalism, without worrying that we risk breaking the most powerful resource of civic courage, without thinking that a country without a free press is a country where patriotism no longer has a centre. Today, being aware of its destiny, the Haitian society recognizes that it is capable of improvements and obliges itself to advance, it cannot put up silence in principle.
  
  We want to form free citizens, having a high idea of moral dignity, penetrated with their role in the State, and not soldier who have abdicated their will and their personality. We want to form men and not machines, hastening by all the means in our power the reign of intelligence, the domination of thought over brutal force, of moral order over immorality.
  
  Finally, we want to take up the cause of the entire Black race. We hope that when the noble and generous efforts of Cardinal Lavigerie takes on a practical form, when the next Anti-slavery Congress takes place, Haiti, the first independent Black state, will be prepared to offer its support to this effort to improve the lot of our unfortunate fellows in Africa.

  Our Hopes

  Persuaded that a long future demands a long past, and that for a work to be solid and durable it requires hard and laborious preparation, we do not hold the chimeric hope of immediately restoring our country from such a profoundly troubled social order. Our entire life is dedicated to the cause that we are undertaking to defend. Certainly, it is not a given that we will see a triumph. But what does it matter? The fruit of our work will be taken up by others. And maybe one day, seeing Haiti healthier and more prosperous, seeing the Black race permanently rehabilitated, our efforts will be remembered, not for ourselves, but for the principles that we will have served.
  
  Benito Sylvain
  Paris, 23 August 1890
  
  
• 1 media/Thumb129.png 2024-11-08T11:57:13-05:00 "In Africa" 33 European states fight to dominate Africa. plain 2024-12-28T10:56:57-05:00 Translation:(Excerpt from Le Soleil of 30 August)
  
  The attention of all of the peoples and of all of the governments of Europe are turning more and more toward Africa. In spite of so many hardy explorers, enterprises and discoveries, the Black continent has not yet revealed all of its secrets; but the greedy nations are not waiting for it to be fully known before they start arguing over its possession.
  
  In Africa, conflicts can erupt that shake up Europe: Egypt, Tripolitania, Tunisia, Morocco, have been or will soon be apples of discord between powers; the Senussian sect will someday enflame Muslim fanaticism against the Christian conquerors. Africa is the object of all of the important diplomatic incidents, and of a series of treated that have succeeded one another at short intervals in recent months; the Anglo-German treaty of 1890, the Anglo-French treaty of 5 August, the Anglo-Portuguese treaty of 20 August. Finally, all commercial and adventurous ambitious that were once directed at America are now focused on Africa.
  
  America, first monopolized almost entirely by the Spanish, was, during the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth century, the goal of fruitful schemes, of audacious dreams, of violent appetites.
  
  Today, America is closed to chivalrous expeditions; it will also soon be closed to European commercial operations. But Africa is opening before them; they're jumping at it at every opportunity. As is always the case in contests of greed, England is coming out on top; its Companies, formed with enormous capital, based on the model of the old East India Company, have shared between themselves, on their own authority, the most vast and the richest regions of the African continent. When they have come up against rivals, the metropole has supported them. They dealt with the Germans by giving them real compensations; they defied the French by giving them illusory compensations; the brutally silenced the Portuguese by the ultimatum of last January.
  
  But it is not a perfect success; the disadvantages of too vast and too absorbing a domination are everywhere the same. In America, the Spanish empire saw no end of rebellions, of incursions of English and French corsairs, and of the brigandage of filibusters. In Africa, the English empire will not be able to avoid similar vicissitudes. the hatred that it has provoked in its foundation will not allow it to develop and consolidate in peace.
  
  Already, in their fight against the Boers of Transvaal, a few years ago, the English have encountered the effect of free men exacerbated by injustice. It was a descendant of French emigrants, General Joubert, who is in Paris these day, who inflected their bloody failure in Majuba.
  
  Now it is the Portuguese who have been pushed to the brink by the appetites of British egoism. The Portuguese have seen themselves for centuries as All Powerful in Africa; they have created immense establishments there; they have renewed in our day ancient rights by acts. Violently dispossessed of what they considered their patrimony, they must have felt a just resentment against this offence One singular fact reveals it: a lieutenant of the Portuguese navy, the former governor of Shiré, submitted his resignation and became a pirate. Against English domination, he will renew the exploits of the Filibusters against Spanish domination; to start, he and his crew captured a steamboat of the British Lakes Company.
  
  The heroic times will return, and the descendants of are worthy to resuscitate it; the descendants of Albuquerque are worthy to resuscitate it; while at one end of Africa, Lieutenant Azvedo Coutinho was distinguishing himself as the champion of Portuguese honour, at the other, his comrade Lieutenant Santos risked his life to protect the persons and the goods of the French who had fallen to the power of the King of Dahomey. These are brave men, and the small nation that produced them must be respected as one of the greatest.
  
  Urbain Gohier
  
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• 1 media/A1N1A9P3-4THUMB.png 2024-11-08T10:28:06-05:00 "Miscellany" 26 Short items: French commerce – An Anglo-French Treaty regarding Africa – French deputies sent to Africa – Education reform in France – Subscriptions – Debate over statues based on historical figures – Problems with disarmament – Obituary plain 2024-12-27T14:14:33-05:00 08-27-1890 Translation:

  General commerce of France:

  During the first seven months of 1890, French commerce increased to 2,645,321,000 francs for imports and to 2,108,763,000 francs for exports. These figures, compared to those of the same period from 1889, present a growth of 112,546,000 fr. for imports and of 73,448,000 fr. for exports.

  Anglo-French Treaty:

  An Anglo-French accord, on the subject of Africa, has been signed. It recognizes the French protectorate over Madagascar and the extension of French influence on some thousand kilometres of the regions of Niger and Chad.
  
  England obtained the establishment of a protectorate over the sultanate of Zanzibar. The Revue Bleu is not far from thinking that this treaty is little more than a recognition of the facts. "Everything will depend," it said, "on the goodwill that will make the British subjects honour the signature of their prime minister." It goes without saying that what is happening in Newfoundland shows the indifference with which certain English colonies treat the conventions signed by their ministers in the metropole.

  Delegated Commissioners in Africa:

  Following upon the Anglo-French treaty, commissioners charged with the demarcation of West Africa have been named. These are Messrs. Hanotau, the assistant director of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and Haussmann, cabinet chief of the undersecretary of State for the Colonies.

  Reform of Secondary Education in France:

  The distribution of the prizes of the Concours Général, Mr. Bourgeois, the Minister of Public Instruction, announced his intention to organize, very shortly, the modern humanities education. We know that this question has already been subject to lively and interesting debates in the Senate.

  Subscriptions to the La Fraternité foundation:

  We will publish in our next issue the list of our subscribers and of those who, by a free gift, helped benefit the work in an even more effective manner.—Subscribers who have not yet received the paper would do well to let us know and send us their address.
  
  To industrialists and merchants.—Sirs, industrialists, merchants, manufacturers, etc., who have interests in Haiti or who would like to enter into business with our country, can contact us with any announcements and publicity. We will work with them amicably.

  The Conquering Heroes of Today:

  Regarding the statue of Admiral Courbet, the Liberté Coloniale, having praised the qualities and virtues of this intrepid sailor, signals in a very reasonable way the habit in Europe of excessively magnifying the victories won over weak peoples. "To this account," the paper said, "the marine officers who, a few days ago, lobbed a few bullets over the Kotonou line in the Dahomey territory, will also be great men!" And it invokes the statement of the celebrated admiral Dumont d'Urville, who assessed, in the follow terms, the Battle of Navarin and the taking of Algiers: "The Algiers affair is not a big deal; it was not a feat of arms; there was no real battle. The only danger, for the navy, consisted in landing; from the moment the Turks and Arabs were no longer in opposition, what was left for the navy to do? As for Navarin, what credit is it to fleets of the three greatest maritime powers in Europe to have smashed the fleet of a half-savage nation, whose leaders hadn't the merest idea of naval tactics, and whose sailors were not even capable of setting up a battery. To honour such facts in the lives of a Duquesne, a Dugay-Trouin or a Tourville is disdainful. It is unfortunate for a nation to see exalted, as we have done, such ordinary things; it only takes away from the great things."
  
  It would take, perhaps, a Dumont d'Urville today to make such reasonable language heard.

  The Disarmament of Europe:

  The interest in Wilhelm II's recent trip to Russia consists less in the interview between these two emperors than in that of their respective chancellors.
  
  It seems that, among the questions approached in the conversation of General de Caprivi and Mr. de Giers, that of general disarmament was not able to bring about any agreement between the two diplomats.
  
  "The question of disarmament is nothing but a chimera," said the Soleil. "To achieve this good dream, renewed by Abbé de Saint-Pierre, there would need to be resolution to the Bulgarian question, to the question of Alsace-Lorraine, the Romanian questions, that of Trieste and of Trentin, as well as twenty other questions of which any one could set fire to Europe."
  
  And according to the same paper, Mr. de Giers should have replied: "Germany can disarm if it considers its position to be so strong. This would set a good example and be a curious humanitarian experiment. But Russia, if you please, would not follow suit."

  Obituary

  Death of Mr. Baudeuf, former secretary of the Haitian legation.
  
  Of Mrs. Chéry Hippolyte, the daughter-in-law of the president of the Republic of Haiti. La Fraternité addresses its condolences to the two families.
  
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• 1 media/Thumb 141.png 2024-11-08T14:24:44-05:00 "Colonial Policy" 19 Benito Sylvain critiques the unfettered militarism of the French campaign in Dahomey plain 2024-12-28T11:23:58-05:00 09-16-1890 Translation: In the first issue of this newspaper, we noted the habit in Europe of disproportionately amplifying the victories won over weak people. And we invoked, on this subject, the witness of the celebrated admiral Dumont-d'Urville, who summarized a judicious analysis of the battle of Navarin and the taking of Algiers, saying: "It is unfortunate for a nation to see exalted, as we do, such ordinary things; it detracts from the great things."
  
  Here is what an eye witness of the principal events in Dahomey has just show with grave revelations, how the thirst for glory, the desire to be "illustrious," pushes the heads of the French expedition to perpetrate and to aggravate a situation that is already too troublesome, and that, at the risk of bringing France the embarrassment of a Tonkin infinitely more dangerous and less productive.
  
  It results, in effect, from the declaration of Mr. Siciliano, the representative in Dahomey of the firm Mante and Borelli of Marseille, that Admiral Cavelier de Cuverville only dreamt of bumps and bruises. This general officer had charged Father Dorgère—who knows next to nothing about the country—to present King Kondo or Bazou unacceptable propositions which absolutely conflict with the instructions of the French government. Mr. Siciliano's long stay on the Slave Coast, his familiarity with the customs of the country, his actual participation in the latest events, all this gives his words an authority that is incontestable and uncontested. His declarations even more important than was supposed for such adventurous merchants, with a tendency to claim State interference in the profits of their business. Since most of the European powers' colonial conquests have no other origin.
  
  Mr. Siciliano, it is true, was not given an official mission, but the minister of the navy, at whose disposition he was put, judging that his great knowledge of the countries could be useful, gave him a letter introducing him to Admiral Cuverville, while at the same time Mr. dr Freycinet was indicating to him the conditions in which peace could be achieved, and which are the following: "The cessation of Kotonou, the opening of the country to Europeans, the end of human sacrifices, the forbidding of the king to cede his territory to any power other than France." Thanks to the prejudice of the authorities of the conquering army, negotiations could not even be undertaken with King Badazin, who is disposed to a treaty. The Admiral wants to let gunpowder do the talking and have the glory of offering Dahomey to France.
  
  Likewise the late Admiral Courbet, when he was so harshly abusing the ministers whom he treated as "Pulcinellas," particularly rebuking them for not enlarging the field of combat by an official declaration of war in China. Who knows, however, what would have happened, if this immense contingency had been taken?
  
  That the Jean-Barts and Dugay-Trouins think that the role of the navy and soldier is to fight and to march forth, and that the cannons of their vessels are destined to do more than exchange peaceful salutes with the English squadron, nobody is surprised. But it falls to those who weigh the heavy responsibility of directing the State to retain this warrior spirit when it becomes unwelcome.
  
  What is the cause of the Dahomeyan conflict? No one really knows. There were exaggerations, insignificant facts blown out of proportion, in order to find a pretext for an intervention: there was talk of "avenging the flag," as if the incursions of the King of Dahomey on French territory had a real importance.
  
  We can only come into such a debate with the most extreme circumspection. We would be happy here to reprint the sensible language of a Frenchman, Mr. Françis Magnard, editor-in-chief of the Figaro, who, after having drawn up a report of this dire colonial policy, concluded thus:

  Since we already have Whydah, Porto-Novo and Kotonou, well fortified, since the Dahomeyans are not trying to despoil us of them, since—and this must be the supreme argument—the possession of these three points is amply sufficient for our "colonial expansion" in this region, let us be content with the status quo, leave a small military force in sight of the coast to keep the respect of the Dahomeyans, but do not risk giving us a prolonged war with these people who, after all, seem quite resolute.
  
  ...what a nasty animal,
  when we attack it, it defends itself.

  
  It is undeniable that fathers of families and French taxpayers must think that too much money has already been spent, and too much blood has been spilled in this adventure. And if one is to make serious estimations, it will require another four thousand men and forty million francs to reach a solution—which will be no less illusory. Because the only result obtained up to now is distressing proof that African brutality can often be surpassed by European brutality.
  
  France, we have the firm hope, will soon become aware of the situation and will know, as a civilized people, how to turn it to her glory.
  
  Benito Sylvain
  
  
  
  
  
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• 1 media/Thumb 173.png 2024-12-24T10:27:11-05:00 Peace in Dahomey 12 Criticisms of war and peace in Dahomey plain 2024-12-28T10:54:25-05:00 At three o'clock on Saturday afternoon, Admiral de Cuverville telegraphed the Minister of the Navy to inform him that peace has been concluded with the king of Dahomey. The blockade is lifted; the arrangement, which was signed subject to the approval of the French government, stipulates that the possession of Kotounou and the protectorate of Porto-Novo will henceforth be respected and all previous treaties will remain in effect.
  
  Since the return of the members, the government will propose the ratification of the treaty, which was only inspired by the instructions [illegible] of the commander in chief.
  
  The events gave reason to the Minister of the Navy, Mr. Barbey, who constantly sent instructions to Admiral de Cuveverville tending toward a peaceful conclusion, and who, also recently, telegraphed him, saying: "No blood spilled uselessly; patiently wait to arrive at an arrangement that conforms to the dignity of the French flag and to the wishes of Parliament."
  
  The newspaper La Lanterne, twice named, that shines by its scepticism—and also by other things, no doubt, since that would not be enough to keep it burning—said about this peace:

  From the moment that peace was concluded, we've been at war.
  
  It seems that according to the terms set in the Constitution, the government of the Republic cannot declare war without the prior consent of the two Chambers.
  
  One may have some doubts if one refers to the decree recently issued by M. de Cuvevrville to prohibit, in Dahomey, the sending of all private dispatches not bearing his initials.
  
  Such measures are more in keeping with war than with peace.
  
  Before congratulating ourselves for the pacification of Dahomey, we should wait for this problematic peace treaty to be presented to the Chambers.

  Le Figaro also expressed its astonishment at this declaration of war made without the approval of the Chambers, and the treaty mission that was confided to an unofficial, Father Dogère. This newspaper says conclusively:

  The moral of this story is that you can always stop before going on a colonial expedition and that if it were not for a few people who shouted their heads off against all expeditions, we we currently have a war in a country that we declare swampy, harmful and useless, but that six months earlier, when we wanted to launch the expedition, was healthy, fertile and  necessary.

  And it is thus that have always been launched—for the love of colonial glory—expeditions that cost hundred of millions and thousands of human lives!
  
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