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• 1 media/A1N1A3P2-3.png 2024-11-08T10:20:23-05:00 "The Haitian-Dominican Conflict" 21 Georges Sylvain dispels the rumours about an imminent war between Haiti and the Dominican Republic. plain 2025-01-02T12:30:39-05:00
  Translation:
  For the past few days there have been rumours of war between Haiti and the Dominican Republic. Although the latest letters received from Haiti up to the date of 7 August contain no confirmation of this news, it has taken on a certain consistency a ever since an article appeared in the Guadeloupe newspaper Défense nationale, reproduced by certain Parisian papers, and particularly after two dispatches were sent from Santo Domingo to New York, dating 23 August.
  
  Here is the tenor of the most recent of this information:

  New York, 23 August A dispatch from Santo Domingo, via Havana, informs us that a troupe of 800 Haitians have crossed the border, and have invaded the southern districts of Santo Domingo. The Dominican government immediately sent a force that pushed back the invaders, and the president, Ulysse Heureaux, summoned the cabinet to deliberate on a declaration of war against Haiti. Count Tasquez, consul-general of the Dominican Republic in New York, heard news of the event, but has not received official word.

  This suggests that war has not yet been declared between Haiti and the Dominican Republic, as the Défense nationale had claimed, but that on the 23rd of August it seemed imminent.
  
  At the Haitian legation, it is believed that this could have been averted: at least that is what would have resulted from a conversation between an Editor of the Evènement and the Secretary of our Legation.

  For a long time, said the latter, products of the Dominican Republic—tafia, tobacco, etc.—have entering Haiti duty free.
  
  About two months ago, General Hyppolite's government resolved to put an end to this practice, and to apply tariffs to Dominican imports. The Republic of St-Domingo looked unfavourably upon—this can be understood from the rest—the new state of affairs which affected its interests. There were, at this time, threats of war; but I believe, since then, an agreement has been reached, and we will not have need to launch a campaign against our neighbours.

  The dispute to which he here makes allusion has been related as follows in the "General Exposé of the situation," presented to the Chambers for the year 1890 by the Government of Haiti:

  Despite all the precautions taken, a quantity of merchandise and foreign products continues to arrive under the Dominican flag.
  
  Since 1887, we have almost not exported anything to the Dominican, yet imports from there continue to grow in a constant proportion... It has even come to the Government's attention that, for the past six months, no merchandise has been allowed into the Dominican without paying a duty of up to 50% of their value. This it has become impossible for Haitian to go sell products at Dajabon and for Dominican to come make purchases in Haiti, as had previously been customary.
  
  In the face of these facts, the government made the decision to apply a tariff to merchandise coming from the Dominican Republic, just as it is for all foreign merchandise.

  An editor of the Paix went to ask General Légitime, who was in Paris, for his opinion on the events.

  I do not believe, the president replied, that a conflict between the Haitian and Dominican republics could have political causes. It would have to be a matter of disputes over economic order or customs, as is often the case between bordering countries. A war could not be dangerous because of our political decisions. But the Dominican Republic is not strong enough to try anything against us. We also should not worry about an intervention from the United States, which would go against international law.

  Such is the information that the Parisian press was able to obtain on the question that preoccupies us. Now, if we must analyze and judge the value of this information we must admit that it seems, until further information comes to light, a bit exaggerated.
  
  First, it is interesting to note that no telegram coming from Haiti has yet spoken of the Dominican incident. And then, there is in the last dispatch from Santo Domingo, which we cited above, a certain obscurity that troubles our confidence.
  
  It says that a troupe of 800 Haitians "invaded" via the Dominican border. But to what end? If it was simply a tourist excursion, we don't understand why the Dominican government would find it necessary to "push them back" by "force." If, as is logical to suppose, it was a question of enemies, we allow ourselves to admit that this armed invasion would constitute, in and of itself, an act of hostility so manifest that it would seem useless for President Heureaux to summon his Council and deliberate on a declaration of war that was already underway.
  
  Many times we have served as this type of transatlantic canard—heavier even than the legendary canard marseillais—that our readers will forgive us, in the present case, of an excess of suspicion.
  
  In sum, it seems that some diplomatic difficulties were hanging between Haiti and the Dominican Republic.
  
  But these types of things happen between all the States of the world. Otherwise, what would be the point of diplomats? These difficulties can be solved all the more quickly because President Heureaux has always had the best relations with the members of Haiti's current government, and in particular with President Hippolyte, to whom he boasts of being related.
  
  We see well what the Dominican Republic would lose in a war; but we do not what they would gain from it. It is incomparably less endowed with men and money than its neighbour; and I terms of politics, the parties are at least as divided there: which is no small thing! President Heureaux can hope, in appealing to the national sentiment, to turn the spirits of his internal politics. But the party would be dangerous: others have lost their place. The only ones who would benefit from a war would be the trouble-makers, those who have made insurrection a sort of specialty; or, otherwise, those honest councillors, always ready to create between us subjects of discord, in the secret hope of fishing in troubled water a good pretext for intervention, or some "rocks without masters" where they will install, for want of a better place, in the proximity of Môle Saint-Nicholas and the Bay of Samaná.
  
  Neither the Dominican government nor the Haitian government wants to make a game out of the other.
  
  G.S. [Georges Sylvain]
  
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• 1 media/Thumb 175.png 2024-12-24T10:31:29-05:00 American Ambitions for Haiti 13 plain 2025-01-02T16:19:34-05:00 For more than twenty years, the United States have thrown their eyes on Haiti-Santo-Domingo; the reincorporation accomplished by Spain, in March 1861, of the eastern part of their former colony was perceived by certain Yankees as a crime against the Monroe Doctrine. Then, shortly after the departure of the occupying troupes, perhaps even sooner, intrigues began to prevent such an offensive return of European influence reproducing itself in the future; since the starry Republic "must not permit an independent State, in the vicinity of North America, pass from independence to a situation of possession or protection by a European power." (Message from General Grant, 5 April 1871).
  
  President Grant had made this project of extension his own, and he tried to make it happen despite the constant opposition of public opinion and of Congress. As soon as he had arrived in power, he had received, or more accurately provoked, offers from the Dominican general Baez, although making a mediocre show of receiving these overtures, he sent a friend who toured the desired territory, to investigate and prepare the process. The latter reported, not without being accused of corruption, a double project of leasing the Bay of Samaná, for half a century, for 150,000 per year, and a treaty stipulating the incorporation of the Dominican as a territory of the Union.
  
  Congress did not want to ratify either of these pacts; it judged that the public powers, just having finished the was of secession, had enough to worry about inside the country without searching to increase their burden abroad. Grant nevertheless pursued the idea; he had Samaná Bay occupied, and the authorities in Washington possessed it for more than a year without paying the agreed annuity, due to a lack of funds and, in 1870, he renewed his proposition before the Senate. He received the same response.
  
  Nevertheless, the following year, he sent a study mission to Santo Domingo to examine the number and wishes of the inhabitants, their social situation, their industries, the country's resources from all points of view, the financial, commercial and political engagements of the State. The frigate Tennessee and another small warship were put at the disposal of the three commissioners, who were joined by experts and members of the press.
  
  Naturally, since in those days in the Dominican, just as in our days in Haiti, "everything was permitted in politics," the ground could have been flattened in advance: then, the whole region of the Republic, dominated by Baez and his partisans who wanted to consolidate their power, they gave the American representatives the best welcome.
  
  In Santo Domingo, the commission received delegations from the Chamber of Deputies, from the army, the municipal council, all in agreement to adore the rising sun; the national clergy came to demand the reconstitution of confiscated properties; Jewish financiers presented their bills for payment, demonstrating their subordinated devotion. In short, the Dominicans seemed to Uncle Sam's envoys to be "as nearly unanimous on the subject of annexation than any known people has ever been on any political question; it was only by searching diligently that the few who professed an opinion of opposition could be found." The dollars had done their work. And yet some revolutionary generals, who had directed their campaign toward the Haitian border, energetically protested!
  
  But, despite the very favourable conclusions of the commissioners' report, the Congress maintained its policy of abstention; but in the end the scaffolding erected by General Grant crumbled; Samaná was evacuated, and all those who had tried to acquire concessions for this or that at low prices were left to their own devices.
  
  (More to follow)
  
  A. Salaignac