Black Republic of Letters

American Ambitions for Haiti

For more than twenty years, the United States have thrown their eyes on Haiti-Santo-Domingo; the reincorporation accomplished by Spain, in March 1861, of the eastern part of their former colony was perceived by certain Yankees as a crime against the Monroe Doctrine. Then, shortly after the departure of the occupying troupes, perhaps even sooner, intrigues began to prevent such an offensive return of European influence reproducing itself in the future; since the starry Republic "must not permit an independent State, in the vicinity of North America, pass from independence to a situation of possession or protection by a European power." (Message from General Grant, 5 April 1871).

President Grant had made this project of extension his own, and he tried to make it happen despite the constant opposition of public opinion and of Congress. As soon as he had arrived in power, he had received, or more accurately provoked, offers from the Dominican general Baez, although making a mediocre show of receiving these overtures, he sent a friend who toured the desired territory, to investigate and prepare the process. The latter reported, not without being accused of corruption, a double project of leasing the Bay of Samaná, for half a century, for 150,000 per year, and a treaty stipulating the incorporation of the Dominican as a territory of the Union.

Congress did not want to ratify either of these pacts; it judged that the public powers, just having finished the was of secession, had enough to worry about inside the country without searching to increase their burden abroad. Grant nevertheless pursued the idea; he had Samaná Bay occupied, and the authorities in Washington possessed it for more than a year without paying the agreed annuity, due to a lack of funds and, in 1870, he renewed his proposition before the Senate. He received the same response.

Nevertheless, the following year, he sent a study mission to Santo Domingo to examine the number and wishes of the inhabitants, their social situation, their industries, the country's resources from all points of view, the financial, commercial and political engagements of the State. The frigate Tennessee and another small warship were put at the disposal of the three commissioners, who were joined by experts and members of the press.

Naturally, since in those days in the Dominican, just as in our days in Haiti, "everything was permitted in politics," the ground could have been flattened in advance: then, the whole region of the Republic, dominated by Baez and his partisans who wanted to consolidate their power, they gave the American representatives the best welcome.

In Santo Domingo, the commission received delegations from the Chamber of Deputies, from the army, the municipal council, all in agreement to adore the rising sun; the national clergy came to demand the reconstitution of confiscated properties; Jewish financiers presented their bills for payment, demonstrating their subordinated devotion. In short, the Dominicans seemed to Uncle Sam's envoys to be "as nearly unanimous on the subject of annexation than any known people has ever been on any political question; it was only by searching diligently that the few who professed an opinion of opposition could be found." The dollars had done their work. And yet some revolutionary generals, who had directed their campaign toward the Haitian border, energetically protested!

But, despite the very favourable conclusions of the commissioners' report, the Congress maintained its policy of abstention; but in the end the scaffolding erected by General Grant crumbled; Samaná was evacuated, and all those who had tried to acquire concessions for this or that at low prices were left to their own devices.

(More to follow)

A. Salaignac

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